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• Mahmoud 10 years ago

  Author: Kafui Ama
  Date: 2009-07-23 01:44:06
  
  Please be patient and read this to the end.
  
  
  By Craig Murray, former Deputy British High Commisssioner to Ghana | Posted: Tuesday, January 20, 2009
  
  ... It was Novembe ...
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  Author: Kafui Ama
  Date: 2009-07-23 01:44:06
  
  Please be patient and read this to the end.
  
  
  By Craig Murray, former Deputy British High Commisssioner to Ghana | Posted: Tuesday, January 20, 2009
  
  ... It was November 1999 and I'd been Deputy High Commissioner in Ghana for almost a year - the culmination of 15 years' Foreign Office service in Nigeria, Warsaw and the equatorial Africa department in London.
  
  I'd always been passionate about Africa and had immersed myself in its minutiae. Nevertheless, my father, who had a timber yard in Ghana in the Sixties, offered a little extra counsel before I departed, aged 40. 'If you see any good-looking girl, aged about 30, light skinned, whatever you do, don't touch her - she could be your sister!'
  
  Not that this was a big concern for me. My most pressing duty was the 1999 State Visit by the Queen and the Duke of Edinburgh, Enhanced Coverage Linking the Duke of Edinburgh, -Search using: Biographies Plus News, Most Recent 60 Days, accompanied by Robin Cook, the then Foreign Secretary. It was a three-day blur of activity, the teeming crowds displaying an uncomplicated and old-fashioned reverence.
  
  A warning that the Duke was averse to looking at things without useful purpose proved absolutely right. As we stood looking at the strip of brass laid in a churchyard that marked the line of the Greenwich Meridian, he said to me: 'A line in the ground, eh? Very nice.'
  
  Ghana epitomises much of the best of Africa, but also throws into relief the tragedy of the continent. It has maintained its higher education and has fewer extremes of wealth than elsewhere. But at independence in 1957, Ghana was richer than Argentina, Brazil, Malaysia or Singapore. Today, those countries are at least ten times as wealthy.
  
  Corruption, cronyism, economic mismanagement, irresponsible lending by the West and the dumping of cheap food all did for Ghana. When I arrived with my wife Fiona and children Jamie and Emily, Ghana had been ruled for 20 years by Flight Lieutenant Jerry Rawlings.
  
  The son of a Stirlingshire pharmacist and a local woman, he seized power in a coup in 1979, but claimed to have won presidential elections in 1992 and 1996, despite allegations of vote-rigging.
  In his early years, Rawlings unleashed a political terror on Ghana. His campaign against the middle classes resembled Mao's Cultural Revolution. People were persecuted for having savings or two indoor lavatories. Market women were sometimes killed for 'profiteering'.
  
  The Queen's visit delighted Rawlings, who craved international respectability. I, too, was determined to make the most of the trip, by helping ensure Rawlings gave up power by the start of 2001, as the constitution required because he had served two four-year terms.
  
  The Queen's speech to the parliament in the capital, Accra, was to be the focus of the visit and I had contributed to its drafting. It contained the usual guff about a future based upon partnership, but there was a sting in the tail. 'Next, year, Mr President,' the Queen intoned, 'you will step down after two terms in office in accordance with your constitution.' The opposition benches went wild and the Queen stopped, looking in bewilderment at the hullabaloo.
  
  Afterwards, Robin Cook was furious. 'It's a disaster. Who the hell drafted that?'
  
  'Er, I did, Secretary of State,' I said. 'I might have guessed! Who the hell approved it?' 'You did.' Cook's Private Secretary had to dig out the draft he had signed. After the State banquet, I retired to a hotel bar with the Royal Household. The senior staff had withdrawn to allow the butlers, footmen and hairdressers to let off steam.
  
  The party appeared, to a man, to be gay. Not just gay, but outrageously camp. We'd taken the hotel for the Royal party, but allowed the British Airways crew to stay. Now three cabin stewards, two Royal footmen and a Royal hairdresser were grouped around the piano singing hits from Cabaret. I was seated on a sofa and across from me in an armchair was a member of the Household who seemed out of place. The valet looked to be in his 60s, a grizzled NCO with tufts of hair either side of a bald pate, a boxer's nose and tattoos on his arms.
  
  He was smoking roll-ups. I turned to the old warrior and said: 'Don't you find all this a bit strange sometimes?' He lent forward, put his hand on my bare knee below the kilt I wore on ceremonial occasions and said: 'Listen, ducks. I was in the Navy for 30 years.' I think he was joking, but some things are too weird even for me. The lower reaches of the Royal Household are one of them.
  
  One enjoyable aspect of our time in Ghana was the constant stream of visitors. Among them was Peter Hain, the Minister for Africa. Hain, a good footballer, agreed to play in a charity match between children from a community football scheme and the High Commission.
  
  Unfortunately, the ground was hard and the opposition turned out to be super-fit professionals. After a heavy tackle, I went down. Result: a dislocated shoulder. I couldn't move my arm for eight weeks. Other visitors included Clare Short, at the time Secretary of State for International Development.
  
  She was in Ghana to try to persuade it to join a debt relief scheme. At a dinner for her, a Minister had made a speech about how much Ghana had learnt from the British Empire. Short stood up and expostulated: 'The British Empire! Don't tell me about the British Empire. I know about British colonialism. My father was Irish and we know about British colonialism. I'll tell you what the British did to your country. They exploited it, that's what they did. They exploited it.' After a few moments of stunned silence, the dinner continued.
  
  On another occasion we were joined by Bobby Charlton, who came to Ghana seeking support for England's bid to host the 2006 World Cup. He was still an astounding player at 60 and it was good of him to get on the pitch for a local community football programme. Nevertheless, I found Charlton disappointing. He was self-centred and ratty - one of those heroes you wish you hadn't met.
  
  Conversely, Roger Moore, a UNICEF goodwill ambassador, was charming and suave, just as you would expect, with a fund of brilliant stories beginning with lines such as: 'One day, Frank, Dean, Tony and I decided to play a trick on Marilyn ... ' He was also well briefed about children's issues in Ghana and was prepared not just to do PR, but to get his hands dirty helping in refugee camps without a camera in sight.
  
  I was less taken with Jamie Theakston.
  
  The BBC were filming a wildlife programme in Ghana, looking at the endangered green turtle population near Ada. A group of young volunteers had accompanied the BBC team to help the newly-born turtles to reach the ocean. But one girl, in her mid-20s, had streams of mascara running down her cheeks. She claimed Theakston had just broken up with her - yet here he was, surrounded by young women, enjoying the adulation.
  
  I had bigger concerns, however. Ghana's presidential and parliamentary elections were due in December 2000 and there were signs that its 11 million voters might be preparing for a change of government. Enthusiasm for politics was everywhere. Even in the meanest village, people gathered under the banyan tree listening to FM stations on a battered transistor and arguing about the coming change.
  
  In the West, tired of our politicians' deceit, we no longer much value democracy. It is wonderful to see a people exercising for the first time their power over those who would govern them. Our job was to see the elections were free and fair, with Britain funding a £10 million programme for photo-ID cards to reduce electoral fraud. The exercise eradicated one million fake names.
  
  Another practical new weapon was indelible ink: when somebody voted, their thumb was painted to stop them casting more than one vote. India was the only source of a truly permanent ink that could not be washed or rubbed off. I had also persuaded the Foreign Office to provide experts from the Electoral Reform Society. Further valuable additions were two British MPs, Roger Gale and Nigel Jones.
  
  Rawlings's party, the National Democratic Congress (NDC), put up the vice President, John Atta Mills, as its presidential candidate. The opposition New Patriotic Party (NPP) fielded John Kufuor. There is a tribal element in Ghanaian politics: the Ewe people vote overwhelmingly NDC; the Ashanti overwhelmingly NPP.
  
  It was clear the governing party would not abandon power easily. Alarmed that it would lose, it had the high court declare the ID cards illegal because they disenfranchised legitimate voters. But the ruling was to no avail - the people took over. Polling station officers decided they were going to use ID cards anyway.
  
  When first- round votes on December 7 were tallied; Kufuor had 48.4 per cent against Atta Mills's 44.8 per cent. The opposition was heading for a small majority but, with no candidate exceeding 50 per cent, a run- off was required. Ghana's 30 or so FM stations were vital in bringing democracy, so it was no surprise that the NDC moved against them.
  
  On the evening before the poll, I took Roger Gale and Nigel Jones to visit Joy FM, possibly Ghana's most influential station. We were sitting in the office when an armed posse of Rawlings's security men arrived, saying they were closing the station on the President's instructions.
  
  ‘Good evening,' I said. ‘I am Craig Murray, Deputy British High Commissioner, and these gentlemen are Mr Roger Gale MP and Mr Nigel Jones MP, members of the British Parliament.' Gale added: ' Obviously there has been some mistake.
  
  I thought I heard you say that you were closing down the station, but we are here to visit our fellow democracy, Ghana, and democracies don't close down radio stations.' The goons left. Joy FM never was closed. However, the NDC started to think I was a part of their problem and they assigned a secret service team to follow me around.
  
  As the second round on December 28 approached, we discovered a problem: not enough Indian ink. We had paid for more, but it had to be specially made and would not be ready until December 24. This was cutting it tight and action was needed. Chartering a private plane to set off from India on Christmas Eve was easier said than done. Whitehall was in festive mode and unlikely to sanction spending quickly, so I used the Embassy's budget to pay for it.
  
  Ghana's government did not want the Indian ink to get in and I was concerned it would be delayed by customs officials. So on Christmas Day 2000, instead of eating turkey, I stood baking on the airport tarmac. When our plane taxied in, we unloaded the boxes of little ink bottles on to two trucks. I escorted these out of the VIP gateway, helped by a substantial tip to the guards.
  
  The truck drivers then delivered the ink to regional centres for distribution to constituencies. This was a game being played for high stakes, with real danger of civil war.
  
  Hotheads in the ruling party might claim electoral fraud and mount a military takeover. The Ashanti could also react violently to losing. Every embassy was updating evacuation plans. Around 1am, the results started to come in. There was a more or less consistent swing to the opposition candidate, John Kufuor. You could have cut the atmosphere with a knife.
  
  The coolest man in Ghana that night was the wry, chain-smoking Electoral Commissioner, Kwadwo Afari- Gyan, who received constant threatening phone calls instructing him to fix the result. Each time, the Electoral Commissioner replied: ' The result will be what the result will be. I am just making sure it is fairly counted.' Then, taking his umpteenth call, he stiffened. He summoned me to listen: it was his wife. Soldiers had come to their bungalow, taking her and his children hostage and threatening to kill them if he did not deliver the ' right' result.
  
  Kwadwo barked down the phone: ' Put their leader on.' ‘Listen you little *****,' he snarled. 'How dare you come to my house and threaten my wife and children. I am sitting here with the British Deputy High Commissioner and he knows what is happening. Now get out of my home before we have you thrown into jail!' The soldier said: ' Yes, sir; sorry, sir.' Kwadwo then told his wife not to worry and calmly returned to his work.
  
  By 3am on the second night only two constituencies were still to declare. Even if every voter there went for Atta Mills, Kufuor could still not be beaten.
  
  The opposition had won - an African country ... had shown that democratic change could be achieved peacefully. Kufuor's eight years as President saw economic growth of more than 70 per cent - the first prolonged period since independence when Ghana was not getting poorer. But Ghanaians chose to exercise their democratic right to change and earlier this month narrowly elected Atta Mills.
  
  Ghana is the only country in Africa to achieve the democratic norm of power alternating peacefully between parties at successive uninterrupted elections.
  
  As I look back on my involvement with Africa over 30 years, I remain most proud of helping Ghanaians to attain democracy. It is an example that sadly, the rest of the continent has so far done little to follow.
  
  But Ghana remains there - a glimmer of hope, an example to others and a rebuke to cynics who claim democracy is not possible in Africa.

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• adumtumi nyansfuo 10 years ago

  There is only one kumawuhene sarfo tweneboah koduah. There is only one tuobodombene nana asare baffour. Both who are true descendants of their respective towns. Both who swore allegiance to Asantehene. That koduah the fourth ...
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  There is only one kumawuhene sarfo tweneboah koduah. There is only one tuobodombene nana asare baffour. Both who are true descendants of their respective towns. Both who swore allegiance to Asantehene. That koduah the fourth is botomhene. He was not installed by the queen mother of Kumawu. Plus, Koduah V did not swear oath of allegiance to Asantehene. Therefore, he is not a chief in GHANA. YOU ROCKSON ADOFO ARE JUST DUMB. A TYPICAL IDIOT, who has no respect for their ancestors decisions. Ankaase royal family are the true royals of Kumawu. They are my cousins. Do you know Dr. K Gyasi. Plus do you know the owners of the old Jotokrom Hotel. They are ankasse royals you moron. By the way this shows my age.

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• Shane Ericson 10 years ago

  Who cares about Kumawu. Small ashanti town. Write something else. Stop writing about kumawu.

  Who cares about Kumawu. Small ashanti town. Write something else. Stop writing about kumawu.

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• Nana Sarpong 10 years ago

  Kofi Boakye's claims are very dishonest so everyone must dismiss it with the contempt it deserve. For one, our constitution and our laws do not permit or allow the dismissal of a commissioned officer on such a flimsy excuse a ...
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  Kofi Boakye's claims are very dishonest so everyone must dismiss it with the contempt it deserve. For one, our constitution and our laws do not permit or allow the dismissal of a commissioned officer on such a flimsy excuse and secondly, I believe he is lobbying for the position of IGP hence his attempt at associating himself with the NDC. One cannot fathom a man who was in line to be appointed the security Chief of President Kuffour could then turn round and make such preposterous statements like that.

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• nabia 10 years ago

  You seem to have nothing doing with your life. Always kumawu this kumawu that

  You seem to have nothing doing with your life. Always kumawu this kumawu that

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