On December 16, 2016, precisely a week after the dithering Chairperson of the Electoral Commission, Charlotte Osei, had found the wherewithal to state the obvious and officially declare that the government of John (IV) Mahama and the National Democratic Congress (NDC) had lost the election, the management of the Ghana Cocoa Board, led then by Dr. Stephen Opuni, called in $400 million.

Cocobod had previously arranged a syndicated loan of $1.8 billion to finance the 2016/17 cocoa season. By December 30th, a week and a day before the new Parliament and President Nana Akufo-Addo of the New Patriotic Party (NPP) were sworn in at the Black Star Square, the $400 million, being the last tranche of the syndicated loan, had found it way to the Central Bank and had been fully disbursed by Dr. Opuni.

It is fair to say that confronted with these details, the new management of Cocobod, led now by Joseph Aidoo, is seeking an explanation as to exactly what the $400 million was spent on in those critical14 days. A forensic audit is underway.

In the meantime, Cocobod has repaid the $1.8 million syndicated loan back, a month in advance, thus saving Ghana some $400,000 in interest costs. Dr. Opuni arrived at Cocobod in time for 2013/2014 season, courtesy of appointment by John IV. On his way out, he appears to have seeded other improvised unexploded devices. Some $280 million, equivalent to 60,000 metric tons of cocoa was owed to local factories and a further 10,000 tons was also owed to a Chinese company. Cocobod has had to make good on these Opuni inheritances as well.

The Presidential Transition Act 2012, was amended by Parliament on October 26, 2016 to essentially correct 2 anomalies. Within 24 hours after the declaration of the results of a presidential election, a transition team is constituted to begin taking up the ropes of government. Members of Parliament are now sworn in within 12 hours of the incoming President.

Further, and this is important, (I still rent and my lease is almost up) a person living in a government bungalow for more than 3 months can be evicted when that person ceases to hold office in the administration of the newly elected President. Pack it in and pack up.

In the dying days of his economically ruinous and mercifully one term in office, contrary to procedure, the NDC drove out of office, literally, in hundreds of official vehicles that they had auctioned to themselves by themselves for themselves at ludicrous prices. They insist they left 641 vehicles in situ, the incoming administration's inventory details 173 vehicles. The numbers and toli simply do not add up.

Beyond the totally appropriate naming, shaming and retrieval of one vehicle from some D list 'actor' with vehicular kleptomania, (shouldn't he also pay a punitive fine for the mileage he put on our car?!!!), few of the 'ghost' official vehicles have been sighted. or accounted for. Yet.

This government has now spent our money (how much?!!) in acquiring a tracking software device to hunt down our cars. Used, possibly sold, re sold even, certainly for 8 months, you see where I am going. Stay with me. I am on the road to Bole Bamboi.

Ibrahim Mahama, one of the younger brothers of John IV and I actually have something in common. Our last names raises hackles in some quarters. We are both Ghanaians. Allow.

Now to the differences. He of the private jet (I aspire to business class travel and a villa in Portofino, right after I build my dream tree top loft in Akropong). Ibrahim of the 40 plus bounced cheques for backdated tax and customs duties that only came to light when a new government shone a blowtorch up his fugu. Ibrahim the saint, who dredged gutters in fulfillment of corporate social responsibility, has been accused by some of also deep mining our public purse in every devious sense of the word, during the 6 years his brother John IV was in office. Until a case is presented in court with formal charges laid against Ibrahim, I will hold my tongue.

The youth of Nyinahin in the Ashanti region are not inclined to such saintly restraint. Working in apparent concert with the District Chief Executive, they have 'impounded' equipment belonging to Engineers & Planners (E&P) owned by said Ibrahim. E&P had it seems been subcontracted (I am looking up the meaning of back hand deals) by Exton Cubic Group Ltd. also part owned by Ibrahim, to prospect for bauxite in the area with the intention to engage in commercial mining.

The said concession to Exton Cubic was granted on December 29, 2016, a week and a day before the new administration took office, from his brother, John IV. To add to Ibrahim's woes, he may or may not have a permit from the Environment Protection Agency and the last minute concession was not ratified as required by Parliament?

And the beat goes on. The new management of our Social Security and National Insurance Trust (SSNIT( have called in PricewaterhouseCoopers (PWC) to review the financial records and determine the true state of their financial affairs. The PWC ambit includes determining whether we got value for money in respect to a $66 million investment that SSNIT, led then by Ernest Thompson, spent on a moody IT system.

SSNIT was established in 1972 primarily to replace the lost income of workers who retire or become invalids. In the event of the untimely death of a contributor they make lump sum payments to his/her nominated dependents. With almost 1.3 million contributors, 168,455 registered pensioners with an annual growth rate of more than 12,000 new pensioners, it is perfectly reasonable for SSNIT to have invested in technology to manage the registration of members, ensure payments, enforce compliance etc.

The chartered accountants have precisely 8 weeks to tell the new management of SSNIT, how and why this technology has unilaterally downed tools. Who agreed when using what procurement process to commission this particular system designed by whom at what cost vis a vis other options, local or otherwise.

As a returned to the fold consultant, I fully support PwC, they must charge commercial rates for work done. I am also a Ghanaian who has lived through the administration of 4 Johns and seen Auditor General (AD) reports delayed, backdated, ignored, caught up with and now in the government of Akufo-Addo, Daniel Yaw Domelovo, the AD is in the hot seat and the frame. I want to know how much the PWC contract will cost SSNIT (and thus us) to ask bloody obvious questions, retrospectively. What will we/SSNIT do with the findings. Are we simply to absorb this additional cost without question? Will we receive the findings redacted/in full and beyond public lamentations, do something other than pray or blame witches? Interesting that we do not include wizards. Corruption is gender neutral. Surely.

I am reading these days a compendium of the Ghana specific Afrobarometer Rounds 5 and 6 Survey findings, a research paper compiled by the Center for Democratic Development (CDD-Ghana).

Most Ghanaians perceive, some or all of their government, law enforcement, judiciary as well as the private sector, traditional and religious leaders as corrupt.

That leaves us with OccupyGhana, Citizen Ghana, Odekro, Citizen Vigilante Martin Amidu himself, the likes of Imani Ghana and others in civil society who will sound the alarm and proceed to court at considerable cost to purse and reputation.

The CDD-Ghana research paper documents trends of public perception of corruption by 12 game changer groups from 2002 - 2014. In every single category: the Ghana Police Service; officials of national government; judges and magistrates; tax officials of the Ghana Revenue Service; District Chief Executives; President and officials in his office; local government representatives; business executives; traditional leaders and self appointed religious demi gods. In the years for which specific questions were asked of the public about their credibility, they all lead, without exception in delivering deeper layers of public distrust.

Between 2002 when John (II) Kufuor was President and when 2014 when John IV was well into his singular term in office, the level of distrust in the president rose from 30% in 2002 to 21% in 2005 to 24% in 2008. The perception of Ghanaian public indictment in the presidency almost doubled to 43% in 2012 (the NDC's John III died in office )and soared further in 2014 to 57%.

What I find instructive if not disturbing, is that in a country plagued in its recent past by coups, the only public institution in which citizens in this time period consistently indicated increasing trust, was the Ghana Armed Forces. The current Chief of Defense Staff, Lt. Gen,.Obed Akwa will do well to keep his boys and girls in very disciplined check, in the barracks, continue to develop their professional capacity and stay firmly away from the grime of politics.

CDD-Ghana is prepping the Afrobarometer Round 7. It will likely cover the last 2 years of John IV, 2015 till the handover in January 2017. Now that I have helpfully provided notice, the NDC when they are done with their internecine bloodletting and/or alongside their public emasculation, can do the usual. Attempt to discredit CDD-Ghana; question the methodogly, sample size of respondents, the shape of the noses of the interviewers, colour of their underpants on any given day. Basically do anything except address the core issues. You lost the 2016 elections because we think you are deeply corrupt.

The governing NPP is also on notice. After they have hurriedly withdrawn and reprinted their Diplomatic Core identify tags for their first Congress post electoral victory, I insist you CHANGE the system you now preside over. During the 4 years of your tenure, before and directly after the declaration of official results, I defy you to deliver again, this sordid retrospective finger pointing. You bungled the first attempt to establish an Office of the Special Prosecutor.

Sssshhh. breathe out and re Approach. I voted for CHANGE. Afrobarometer Round 8 will measure the public perception of many things including this government's ability to actually deliver on the fight against corruption. This battle is yours to lose. En garde!