Every now and then, a nation is presented with a constitutional moment that forces it to examine whether its political practices still reflect its democratic promises.

The ongoing Supreme Court case seeking to abolish the delegate-based system used by political parties is one such moment.

The suit, filed by Professor Kwabena Frimpong-Boateng, Dr. Nyaho Nyaho-Tamakloe and Dr. Christine Amoako-Nuamah, challenges the electoral college systems of major political parties, including the NDC, NPP and CPP, on the basis that they exclude many party members in good standing from participating fully in the selection of presidential and parliamentary candidates.

I wholly support this bold constitutional intervention.

The Attorney-General’s Department has also filed arguments in support of the case, with Deputy Attorney-General Dr. Justice Srem-Sai indicating that the state believes a declaration in favour of broader participation will improve Ghana’s democracy.

This support must not be viewed through narrow partisan lenses. It must be seen as a national democratic reform whose time has come.

For far too long, Ghana’s internal party democracy has been weakened by the delegate system.

A few selected individuals are often given the power to decide the fate of constituencies, regions and even the nation.

This arrangement creates room for vote-buying, intimidation, manipulation and what many ordinary party members rightly describe as “moneycracy.”

When the power to elect candidates is concentrated in the hands of a small group, candidates with money are tempted to treat politics as an investment, not as public service.

That is dangerous.

The NDC is a party built on the values of social democracy, grassroots mobilisation, probity, accountability and people-centred leadership.

If we truly believe in “Power to the People,” then power must not stop at campaign rallies. It must begin within our own party structures.

The branch member who canvasses votes, defends the party in difficult times, pays dues and sacrifices for victory must also have a meaningful voice in choosing who represents the party.

Our own history proves that a broader electoral system can produce promising leaders.

In 2015, the NDC expanded participation in its parliamentary primaries by allowing all party members to vote, rather than limiting the process to a small group of delegates.

Research on that reform notes that the party opened primary voting to ordinary members, significantly expanding the electorate in constituencies.

That experiment produced and strengthened some of the finest political figures we celebrate today.

Sam George’s victory in Ningo-Prampram was one of the clearest signs that when the ordinary grassroots are empowered, entrenched political control can give way to fresh energy and courageous representation.

He defeated long-serving MP E.T. Mensah in the 2015 NDC primary, a result widely reported as a major political upset.

In Tamale North, Alhassan Suhuyini also emerged strongly from the NDC primary process, winning the confidence of party members and later becoming one of the party’s respected voices in Parliament.

Samuel Okudzeto Ablakwa, already a rising national figure, also received massive endorsement in the North Tongu parliamentary primary, reaffirming his grassroots legitimacy.

These men did not become national icons by accident.

They are products of political participation, public trust and a system that, at least at that moment, gave broader power to the people.

If the NDC wants to remain faithful to its true character and ethos, then a one-member, one-vote system is not a threat.

It is the only honest way forward.

Some will argue that expanding the voting base will be expensive or administratively difficult.

That concern is understandable, but it is not enough reason to deny party members their democratic rights.

Every reform comes with challenges. The solution is not to preserve a flawed system; the solution is to build a better one.

Political parties can maintain credible membership registers, use digital verification, strengthen supervision, punish vote-buying and create transparent internal election rules.

In fact, expanding the electorate makes vote-buying more difficult.

It is easier to influence a few hundred delegates than thousands of ordinary members across a constituency.

Research on Ghana’s primary reforms also suggests that democratising candidate selection can make vote-buying a less effective strategy and create a more diverse electorate.

This is why the current Supreme Court case is important.

It is not merely a legal challenge. It is a moral question.

Should political parties that seek to govern a democratic republic be allowed to run their internal elections in a manner that sidelines the majority of their own members?

Should candidates with deep pockets continue to dominate internal elections while competent, loyal and service-driven party members are priced out of politics?

My answer is no.

Let me be clear: business people are not enemies of democracy.

Many have contributed meaningfully to our political and national development.

But politics must never become the private property of wealthy individuals who see constituencies as personal investments.

Public office must be earned through service, vision, competence and connection with the people, not through the distribution of money to a small electoral college.

The NDC must therefore lead this reform with courage.

We should not wait to be forced by the courts before doing what is morally right.

We must return power to the branch, to the grassroots, to the ordinary card-bearing member and to the people who carry the party on their shoulders.

As we await the Supreme Court’s decision, we must respect the independence of the judiciary.

But beyond the courtroom, political parties must also engage in honest self-reflection.

The delegate system has served its time.

It has created unnecessary monetisation, weakened internal democracy and opened the door for opportunists to hijack the political process.

A one-member, one-vote system will not solve every problem overnight.

But it will be a powerful beginning.

It will sanitise our political system, reduce the influence of money, restore dignity to party membership and open the door for more credible, competent and people-centred leaders.

For the NDC, this is not just reform.

It is a return to our soul.

Power must truly belong to the people.